By Michael A.
Innes
At the end of a New York Times
article on the apparent lack of direct face time between President Obama
and Gen. Stanley McChrystal, the Brookings Institute's Michael O'Hanlon is
quoted as saying, "I don't think I can defend him for being out of touch
with his commander... He has other people who advise him. But there's no
one else with the feel on the ground that McChrystal has."
Andrew
Exum, of the Center for a New American Security (CNAS) agrees, suggesting
that the disconnect, if there is one, is "indefensible." Noah Shachtman, editor of Wired's uber-national security blog,
Danger Room is sympathetic to the criticism. "Given how dire the situation is in Afghanistan,"
he writes, "and given Obama's willingness to dive head-first into
relatively-trivial matters like the Olympics -- I think I'd like to see that
Commander-in-Chief more deeply involved." Jason Sigger, a Washington defense policy analyst, and
Bernard Finel, a Senior Fellow at the American Security Project, on the other
hand, were both
heavily critical of O'Hanlon's
comments.
This stems from McChrystal's response to questioning on 60 Minutes a few days ago
that he'd only met with Obama once since taking command, via video
teleconference (or "VTC"). Framed in that light, devoid of context -- or common
sense consideration of it -- it seems mildly disturbing. But it shouldn't be.
The Danger Room piece, which turns to U.S. military historian Mark ("Blog Them Out Of the Stone Age")
Grimsley for some expert advice, lays bare the silliness, making the critical
point that there are a number of people in important positions between Obama
and McChrystal, and the flow of communications between Kabul and the White
House has generally remained true to historical form.
After watching the 60 Minutes segment, though, I'm slightly
surprised that out of all the points raised, it was McChrystal's face time with
Obama that's got everyone in a tizzy. That one blurb occupied a few seconds
near the end of a 13 minute interview. McChrystal was straightforward in his
response, but he certainly didn't come across as if he was trying to drive an
agenda -- at least, not with that particular point. McChrystal has been lobbying publicly for
increased troop commitments, essentially forcing the White House into a
reactive position on the subject. One can only assume that one of the talking
points on the agenda of today's meeting between the two on Air Force One will
include a reference to who sets policy and who follows orders.
For the most part, I didn't have any serious objections,
either to the questions that 60 Minutes' David Martin put to McChrystal, or to
the general's answers to them. Breaking bad habits was a heavy theme, including
the symbolic importance of not flying the NATO flags outside his headquarter
building at half mast every time a soldier is killed. "We've gotten to the
point where the flags were at half mast all the time," he told Martin. "And I
believe that a force that's fighting a war can't spend all it's time looking
back at what the costs have been, they've got to look ahead and they've got to
have their confidence, and I thought it was important that the flags be up
where they belong."
That's a fair point on such an emotive issue -- but it also
misses another symbol inherent in the lowered flags, and the point of the
practice: that when a soldier from any one of the ISAF member states was
killed, all the flags were lowered.
That sort of blatant solidarity does not come easily within the Alliance. At one
point, Martin asked McChyrstal what he thought of the Destille Garden
outside his staff offices, where people can "sip cappuccino under the shade."
He wryly suggested he'd like to "turn it into a rifle range" -- though he
probably knows, despite all the guilty comforts that a staff headquarters
represents to those out in the forward operating bases (FOBs) and combat
outposts (or COPs), that with everyone in his staff headquarters working on
marksmanship skills, he'd have no one left to draft the unending crush of
briefings and memoranda and paperwork that make big field missions tick.
The one serious point I'd pick at is this: so what if "there's no
one else with the feel on the ground that McChrystal has"? McChrystal himself
warned in the interview against ever believing that we really know the ground
truth, basically because we're (he was including himself) not the ones walking
it. More than that, though -- and taking O'Hanlon literally at his word --
McChrystal's not an intelligence or special forces operator out sniffing at the
bushes and tracking boot prints in the dust. He's the mission commander, which
is not a leisurely paced job, and doesn't -- shouldn't -- leave all that much
time for getting down into the weeds. Which suggests that neither should Obama.
The implied criticism over the last couple of days has been
that senior leaders should be tightly wired into ground truths -- into
maintaining fine-grained situational awareness of conditions in Afghanistan.
That's ridiculous. Taking the time to go deep is for spooks and
anthropologists; the time to network, gladhand, and swap stories over beers at
the Sunday BBQ is for another life, and a luxury that neither Obama nor
McChrystal has, at least when it comes to fighting this war. More importantly,
questions about the relationship between Obama and his general in Afghanistan,
fixated as they are on communication channels, occlude a lesson that's now been
conveniently forgotten about technologically-enabled
micromanagement: just because Obama and McChrystal can communicate more frequently that
they have been doesn't mean that they need to.
Michael A.
Innes is a Visiting Research Fellow in the School of Politics and International
Studies, University of Leeds. From 2003 to 2009 he was a civilian staff officer
with NATO, and spent the months of April and May this year as a staff liaison
to ISAF HQ in Kabul.
MANAN VATSYAYANA/AFP/Getty Images and Gary Fabiano-Pool/Getty Images
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