
Two weeks ago, 24-year-old Pakistani-American Jubair Ahmad admittedthat he had been making videos for Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) from his Woodbridge,Virginia home under the direction of LeT leader Hafiz Saeed's son Talha. Aroundthe same time, governments on both sides of the Atlantic published findingsinto the link between online activity and terrorism. In the United Kingdom, theHome Office publisheda paper that concluded "the internet does not appear to play a significantrole in AQIR [al Qaeda influenced radicalization]," while in the United States,at a hearing on the Hill, RAND terrorism guru BrianMichael Jenkins concluded that jihadist websites "may create virtualarmies, but these armies remain virtual." But while the link between turningindividuals from passive consumers into active terrorists may be weak, caseslike that of Jubair Ahmad show the important role this virtual army can play inmagnifying the message of al-Qaeda and affiliated groups.
Jubair Ahmed is not the first Western individual who has helpedestablish websites or created video content in support of radical groups. Oneof the earliest was U.K.-based www.azzam.com,established in 1996, which provided a point from which groups in Afghanistanand Chechnya could broadcast their message while also telling potentialrecruits how to contact the groups. In addition, www.azzam.com (using the moniker Azzam Publications) helpedproduce a series of videos and cassette tapes about the fighting in Bosnia andChechnya that venerated fighters in the field.
By the mid-2000s, the Internet had become a more viablevehicle through which videos could not only be sold, but also streamed anddownloaded. Recognizing the value of getting footage from the field out asquickly as possible, al-Qaeda in Iraq (AQI) was at the forefront of a newpractice, turning videos into slick packages that could be uploaded ontoradical forums. But what was most interesting was the revelation in late 2005that British police in London had found a young Moroccan who turned out to be theinfamous online jihadist known as Irhabi007(terrorist007). Using this online handle, Younis Tsoulihad set himself up as a key webmaster and designer for AQI, and was notoriousfor being able to find the webspace needed to publish the grim video Americancontractor Nicholas Berg's beheading.
The novel aspect in Tsouli's case was the fact that AQIleaders noticed his online abilities and started to use him as a key outlet fortheir material. There have been numerous other Western webmasters for importantal-Qaeda linked websites - for example, in Belgium, Malikael-Aroud ran MinbarSoS, a website that provided a forum to recruitFrench-speaking Muslims to fight in Afghanistan. From the sunny Costa Blanca inSpain, FaicalErrai helped run ansaraljihad.net, and provided assistance for radicalsseeking to get to Afghanistan and Chechnya. But Tsouli appears to have been oneof the first Western residents to have been actively solicited by groups in thefield for his technical abilities.
And since Tsouli, we have seen al-Qaeda in the ArabianPeninsula (AQAP) use the skills of a young Pakistani-American radical blogger, SamirKhan, to help them produce Inspiremagazine - a publication that has repeatedly shown up in the hands of recently arrestedterroristplotters. Khan and hisAmerican-Yemeni mentor Anwar al-Awlaki are now both dead, but in a reflectionof the importance that AQAP placed upon al-Awlaki's capacity to reach a Westernaudience through new media, communicationsfound during the U.S. raid on Osama bin Laden'sPakistani compound allegedly include an offer from AQAP leader Nasiral-Wuhayshi to put al-Awlaki in charge of the regional group. Bin Ladendeclined the request, possibly highlighting the different level of importancehe placed upon new media capabilities in comparison to his regional affiliateleader.
A particularly surprising aspect of the Jubair Ahmad case isthe volume of micromanagement that Talha Saeed put into creating the video. Hetells Ahmad what images to include (not ones from the group's infamous Mumbaiattack), where to insert images of his father, the LeT leader, and what musicto have over the video. Saeed is obliged to get someone in America to do thetechnical work for him - quite a long distance from which to direct theproduction of a short YouTube video using easily available technology - whichlikely reflects a greater facility with such technology had by people broughtup in the West.
Just how easy it is to create these videos was seen recentlyin a case in the United Kingdom in which a law student, Mohammad Gul,was convicted of producing YouTube videos that glorified terrorist violence.While clearly the technology to make such videos is something that isuniversal, it does seem as though it is aspirant jihadists in the West who findit easiest to use. There was no evidence that Gul was being directed by foreignterrorist organizations to produce his material, and his case shows the continuedexistence of young Westerners producing radical material on their own. It mayindeed be the case that the virtual armies have yet to fully emerge as activewarriors on the battlefield, but in the meantime they are doing a great deal tokeep the jihadist flame alive on the Web, either by themselves or at thedirection of organized parties.
RaffaelloPantucci is an Associate Fellow at the International Center for the Study ofRadicalisation (ICSR) and the author of the forthcoming "We Love Death AsYou Love Life: Britain's Suburban Mujahedeen" (Hurst/Columbia UniversityPress). His writing can be found at: http://www.raffaellopantucci.com.
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Osama bin Laden may be dead, but his legion of online jihadis is more determined than ever.
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On the morning of July 26 I woke up at home in Karachi, nine hours ahead of eastern time, to an e-mail from an American friend who writes for The Atlantic's website. "How is WikiLeaks playing in Pakistan?" he wanted to know. The story had broken overnight, and I had no idea what he was talking about. In turn I picked up Dawn, The News, and The Express Tribune, the three Pakistani newspapers that are delivered to my house every day. Not one of them had anything to say on the issue.
It was another matter entirely when I logged onto my computer and the New York Times website. For the next several hours I was transfixed, trying to digest both the firestorm in the international media and the pin-drop silence at home.
The most likely explanation of this is that the story
broke too late to make it into Pakistani newspapers on Monday morning. The
conspiracy-minded might argue it could have been suppressed, perhaps even in
advance, by the Pakistani state, or that domestic newspapers would not want to
jump into dangerous territory without taking the time to examine the matter
closely. Either way, the silence continued almost unbroken throughout the day.
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Wearing army fatigues and a red cap, Zaid Hamid is perhaps Pakistan's best-known television personality. The strategic affairs expert, who coined the term 'Hindu Zionist' to describe the hypothetical Indian and Israeli nexus against Pakistan, has become a household name across the country for his conspiracy theories on economic terrorism and Indian-U.S.-Israeli plotting. His Facebook page currently has a following of 66,000, among them students of expensive schools and even pop singers and fashion designers. Whether it is explaining Taliban militancy, Pakistan's ever-present electricity crisis, Blackwater's involvement in planning terrorist attacks, or plans for the U.S. to take over Pakistan's nuclear weapons, conspiracy theorists call the shots in Pakistan.
Pakistan's booming television industry, allowed to operate by ex-dictator Gen. Pervez Musharraf, helped lead to his downfall. The country's vibrant Urdu press, which outsells its English-language counterparts in most areas of the country, also helps shape public opinion, with its small army of retired military officers and civilian officials dominate the opinion pages to air their misgivings and concerns. It seems that anti-Americanism on the op-ed pages sells to Pakistanis, who are among the most anti-American people in the world.
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Over the past four years or so, Pakistanis have become addicted to Facebook. The social networking website is home to local celebrities, including former President Pervez Musharraf, who recenctly began using the website as a way to update his "fans" about his speaking engagements and his new political party. It has spawned a culture of its own -- fashion designers and musicians use Facebook as a marketing tool, tagging pictures is a full-time activity, and local telecom operators have used Facebook's mobile services as a selling point. After former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto was assassinated and curiosity about her children grew, British tabloids published images of her son, Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari, that were taken from his Facebook page. Pakistani grandparents use Facebook as a way to communicate with grandchildren living outside Pakistan, and the five Americans who were arrested on suspicion of involvement in terrorism last year reportedly used it to try and get in touch with militant groups.
But all that has come to an end -- until May 31, at least. Earlier today, the Lahore High Court ordered that access to Facebook be blocked in Pakistan. The move came after a petition was filed in the court by a forum of Islamic lawyers protesting a Facebook page called "Everybody Draw Mohammad Day," which began as a protest itself against a radical group which had objected to a depiction of the Prophet Mohammed on the animated U.S. television program South Park. Facebook users in Pakistan had campaigned on the social networking website to "report" the page to Facebook authorities, but no action was taken.
Not surprisingly, Pakistanis across Pakistan have protested against Facebook. Pakistan sees protests on a daily basis against issues ranging from the electricity crisis to mass layoffs to Aafia Siddiqui's case.
While one Indian Twitter user joked that the difference between Jamaat-ud-Dawa and Facebook in Pakistan was that the front group for the militant organization Lashkar-e-Taiba is banned, it highlighted Pakistan's ironic tendency to act only when it comes to blasphemous content and not content that affects the state's security. Hateful and derogatory literature is available openly in Pakistan, and the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority has not attempted to block YouTube channels such as that of the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan or videos of hate-laden speeches by Jaish-e-Muhammad leader Masood Azhar. Objectionable content is available on scores of different websites. Facebook was not the first to be blocked in Pakistan. What might be next?
Pakistan has an unfortunate history of blocking websites it believes are objectionable for blasphemy reasons. In 2006, Blogger.com and all blogspot.com addresses were blocked in Pakistan in the wake of the Danish cartoons controversy. Since the cartoon images had been posted on blogs hosted by Blogger, the entire website was pulled down for at least two months.
This February, YouTube was temporarily blocked for almost an hour. Once service had been restored, Internet users in Pakistan discovered that the video that had been blocked was of President Asif Ali Zardari allegedly screaming "shut up" to someone while addressing a crowd.
Ever-enterprising Pakistanis will undoubtedly find a way around the Facebook ban. When blogspot.com was blocked, a rerouting address was created for blogs hosted on the website. At least this time, Pakistan's ban did not affect the website in question the world over. In 2008, a Pakistani government attempt to block YouTube caused hours of downtime for YouTube users around the globe.
The new Facebook ban reflects the laws of Pakistan, where blasphemy is punishable by death or life imprisonment. But it also leads me to question the sense of a legal system that ordered an entire website blocked for the content of one page and points to the inanity of those who believe blocking the website in Pakistan will somehow stop would-be cartoonists. I also have to ask what this judgment will do to the morale of the thousands of young students who in 2007 mobilized to campaign for the restoration of Pakistan's judiciary and organized protests of then-President Musharraf's imposition of emergency rule -- using Facebook.
Saba Imtiaz works for the Express Tribune, an English-language newspaper in Pakistan.
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